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Production of affects chosen actions from self-preservation, conatus and sensibility to be affected. Their sum is constant either you decide, or someone else. This sensibility may be chosen, actively, internally caused , or passive, externally caused. Most of our lives are filled with passive affections, since we do not understand the real causes behind things and events. When my body encounters another and agree, we form a new body, with a new power to exist Spinoza says. Our bodies meet other bodies and change accordingly to relations of power and affects.

A body of any kind is defined by the possible relation into which it may enter. This is its power of acting. If not, sadness occur and either body or both may be decompose the relationship , the new "body". The question arises immediately: How can we get as many active affections and as little passive ones as possible? How do we experience as much self-caused joy as possible? Most encounters are sad since men are often subject to passions. In a commonwealth, we hope to organize good encounters, which is why we form it. The term "contract" in his Tracatus Theologico Politicus , TTP is replaced in PT with "common consent", to which individuals renounce their rights but not all, more on contracts and rights later.

The reason they do this is that the extends their power to constitute the state, if that is their goal. In order to build a community of mutual consent, free communication must be possible between citizens, who always have the right to think and speak, but not act unlawful while they adhere to the state , that is Spinoza says. Passions like fear are important to understand for the wise in order to survive.

The fear of the masses in both ways, i. The ruler posses right only insofar as his real force is greater than the masses and as the masses accept to be ruled. For him, all political theory must start with two basic conditions:. Rather, they are necessary, in harmony with the rest of nature,.

Spinoza had no use for theories of people written by thinkers "as they would like them to be". A political theory must start from the predicament of common men, not saints. If we grant men their necessary passions, we may build up a secure state. Politicians who relies on good faith are not long-lived and would prepare his own destruction, a Machiavellian theme, the difference is that Machiavelli recognised a civic virtue in all men that possibly could ground a stable state, whereas Spinoza kept the virtuous way open only to the wise. The multitude people, neither could nor wanted to walk the narrow road to higher political or theoretical interests.

A Bibliography from the Seventeenth Century to the Present

Spinoza starts his theory of right from a state of nature, as in Hobbes, but this right is equal to the power of the right - holder. The contract is not an abstract entity which keeps a society stable. Rather all rules must depend on power, i. Machiavellian force or Spinozist divine power in all beings:.

Passions lead the multitude to use its power by natural right. If people are in bondage by their passions it follows that they may use it in a wrong or good way. To strive to exist, conatus , is the base whatever means one chooses. The multitude use passions, the wise reason. Both ways have the same natural right to do it. Non- utopian politics may just use the first way, the passions of the multitude. Less if they are "freely chosen", as Spinoza does not believe in a simple form of human freedom of choice.

Power gives rights as in "To be able to exist is power " Ethics, part I, prop 11, 3 rd proof.

Power is the essence of substance, as the concept of conatus showed. Weak men have as much power as the strong in absolute terms, but is somehow separated from what his powers, his essence, can attain. To attain as much as we can, we must increase our actions and increase our active affections, joys and lessen what makes us sad and powerless.

Spinoza bases his doctrine of natural right not on humanity but on God or the one substance where all participate as part of nature. Each being in its essence is a result or an element in God, so all beings are comparable in that they express God in different degrees, i. But this particle of nature which is man must, in an eminent sense, be nature, be power" Strauss , p. The right to exist is greater in beings that "exists" in a higher degree. The power of the multitude has greater power and therefore right than the wise men, if they not quantitatively change that balance with technical and ideological means for example, as shown below.

We do not know what a body can do, he says, but we know that it will exercise its natural powers, its rights, if not blocked as in "anti- production see last Part III in this paper. It is here that the Ethics take the body as a model; for every body extends its power as fast as it can. In a sense every being, each moment, pushes to the utmost what it can do " Deleuze , p. The contract theory as in Hobbes, Locke or Rousseau does not have the same value in Spinoza, although he mentions " pactum " in TTP for men in order to live in security beyond the reach of fear.

Men must obey their rulers, not subvert or overtake the state. Unreasonable laws shall be exposed in public but all citizens must submit to their power, although they do not agree. But this contract does not mean that men give up all their power to a sovereign whether monarch, noble or democratic council. TTP states fully that right ius must rely on and is the same as power potentia Montag and Balibar in Montag ed. If right as a subjective right is identical to the power to act, it follows that the laws as rules of politics own their force, in the last instance, to the acceptance of the governed themselves, i.

If Hobbesian individuals would gain all natural and contractual rights without full power, they would be in a powerless and contradictory position visavi the state. Now, individual powers are less isolated than taken together, which is what rulers know. From what the ruler fears, the mass multitudo can know. Peace and stability are the aims of the state for Hobbes, as they are for Spinoza. But peace is not to best at all costs for Spinoza. Peace must be endurable, otherwise opposed, even with arms. Spinoza envisioned that men only can live as reasonable and free in a state or a city. Experience teaches man that living together in states or other commonwealths is the best way to attain security and develop free thoughts.

The formation of society is necessary and useful, although not " natural" in the sense of being self-evident to all citizens at all times. If men lived according to reason, and were not prey to superstition, a state based on reason would be possible. Instead, their lives are so constituted that they are usually envious and burdensome to one another " ibid, schol.

The urge to exist, conatus, teaches man that life in common is better than solitary life in a state of naure. Democracy is to be preferred, being the most natural government of men. A democracy is better since there is less danger of a government behaving unreasonably, for it is practically impossible for the majority of a single assembly, to agree on the same piece of folly. But Spinoza views democracy also as an effective means to rule. Tyranny might arise, but they do not last long.

Spinoza notes as Seneca that despotic regimes never lasts long,whereas moderate ones do. Spinoza asserts that. Since the right of the commonwealth is determined by the collective power of a people, the greater the number of the subjects given cause by a commonwealth to join in conspiracy against it, the more must its power and right be diminished. The right of the state is nothing more than a natural right, limited not by the power of the individual , but by that of the multitude, which is guided by one mind" PT, ch.

The balance of powers are important: "The reason of the state lies not in the governing nor in the governed, but in the capacity of the ruler to rule, and in the capacity of the ruled to be ruled " Strauss , p.

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A state ruled by force is weaker than ruled by a free multitude. Therefore the state must secure that the citizens get freedom and security, out of adhering to the state. This is realized by a power that force the masses. Contracts, ideology and religion. The state must rely on a balancing of collective powers, rather than individual rights, obligations and contracts.

History becomes a history of mass struggle, not of relationships between individuals and states Balibar and Negri Spinoza rejected in PT the juridical and transcendental apparatus of contracts, obligation and rights since he saw where the real power was, in the multitude. Individual power were never as strong as collective material forces. The multitude is not reducible to anything but itself, a new body of former individuals. It has then attained a state when its passions have been transformed to actions.

The multitude is hard to govern, since "whoever has experienced the inconstant temperament of the multitude will be brought to despair by it. For it is governed not by reason but by the affects alone" TTP, ch The state must combine affective means piety, patriotism, superstition with rational utility, private wealth. Religion can degenerate to superstition Spinoza showed. But other ideological means are just as efficient and lead to obedience and destructive stupidity. A central question if men strive for self- preservation is why do men fight for their own repression, in wars, in fights for fascism, despots?

The answer is that inadequate but useful ideas for a short brutal life, hold us down with power from material strength. The reasons why the mass obeys its rulers are not just pure power, but foremost ideology in a Marxist sense. And free communcation of individuals, humans, states, modes of all kinds, are to be a political and ontological question, as Etienne Balibar concludes:.

In the absence of this practice, the tendentially democratic processes of decision described by the PT would remain unintelligible. We understand thereby why the essential aspect of Spinozist democracy is from the outset liberty of communication. Spinoza the proto- marxist. Negri views Spinoza as an "anomalous thinker", situated between the crisis of the renaisance humanist utopia and the change from mercantile to industrial capitalism. The bourgeois utopia of the market underpinned his aspiration towards a fuller and richer humanity.

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In formal subsumption, there exist still pre- or noncapitalist modes of production, of pre - bourgeois values etc, but in real subsumption, all of society is dominated by the command of capital and what is left of non - capitalism is fully integrated. This move spreads the antagonism between capital and labour and its allies to all of the planet and all beings in its entirety. There is no way to establish the old corporate order in such a flow of desires and productions, but rule through postmodern fragmentatization by a postfordist capitalist ideology and command by political measures fiscal crisis e.

In the age of real subsumption, it is impossible to rule as before e noted above , it possesses no power of it own, but is a site for capitalist command and labour struggles. Spinoza needs new real conditions to be given: Only teh revolution poses these conditions. The completion of the Political Treatise [see Negri ], the development of the chapter on democracy [which never got started as Spinoza died ], or better, on the absolute, intellectual and corporeal form of the government of the masses, bcomes a real problem only within and after the revolution.

Their books must be used, rather than read as theory claiming the truth of society, the world, mankind. The relation between theory and society that interests them, is not a question of represention, models or reference, but of the genetic biological, social and historical relations by which society produces theory. The question of truth of any theory is less important than what political and desiring intersts it expresses, in products, effects of all kinds.

Their politics has more to do with 19 th century French utopian - socialists like Charles Fourier than scientific socialists like Karl Marx, more with alternatives than deconstruction Derrida only deconstructs, never constructs. Artists are better creators than most political theorists they claim, which is why authors of all kinds, painters, film directors, musicians etc abound in their books rather than political philosophers. First, their overall picture of society.

Deleuze and Guattari argue that capitalism is a schizophrenic system. Because it is interested only in the individual and his profit it must subvert or deterritorialize as they name a down- mantling process, of leaving land all territorial groupings such as the church, the family, the group, indeed any social arrangement who occupies a practical or theoretical "territory". But at the same time, since capitalism requires social groupings in order to function for work and sell goods to , it must allow for reterritorializations taking back land , new social groupings, new forms of the state, the family, or the group.

These events happen at the same time. The life of any culture is always both collapsing and being restructured.

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Political unconscious. He likened psychological repression to political repression, when stating that "the unconscious is structured like a language" as society, laws, desiring stratas , a Political unconscious. But like Plato, he argued that desire was constituted as a lack, and was impossible to fulfil other than in dreams.

Deleuze and Guattari undertook an analysis of desire that is distinctly political, more than Lacan. According to them, desire may fix on one of two alternatives. It may affirm itself, go along as far as it can, or it may choose ruling power as its centre and the establishment of order as its purpose. Marcuse and the Frankfurt schoolin sociology. For a Marxist, any purely human discourse cannot be the final word. It must be located within the relations of production, so that there is an opposition, between production base and ideology superstructure.

But Deleuze and Guattari argued for a "productive desire" which rejected the Marxian notion that desire belonged to ideology. It also rejected the Freudian notion of an unconscious and hence, except in dreams, unproductive desire. Desire is something else than lack, want, instinct, wish, interets, need etc, which are produced within a certain fixed social status and metaphysics. It is unconscious desire that produces interests, wishes etc, which may act against conscious wishes, interests etc.

Desire may be repressed by another desire when its immanent production is blocked. The politics of desire aims to break down the dichotomy between desire and interest, so that people can begin to desire, think and act in their own interests, and become interested in their own desires. The controllers priests, gurus, bosses, intellectuals turn the active strength of productive desire against itself and create guilt which accompanies any active expression of the will, when bound.

For Deleuze and Guattari, schizophrenia is the model for the production of a human being capable of expressing productive desire, but it is an active schizophrenia as a process and not a medical schizophrenia to which they refer. We will not dwell on this uncommon interpretation, though. Deleuze himself was not a Marxist, evn though Guattari was in a loose libertarian sense.

There is no class struggle because there is only one class, the class of slaves, some of whom dominate others. Almost no desiring individuals can ever fulfil their desires, as Spinoza also concluded his Ethics :. But all things excellent are as difficult as they are rare". Nor fare they Freudians, but post- Lacanians. The Oedipal prohibition which produces the neurotic who has internalized guilt in order to repress desire is not a fact of nature but the result of social codification.

In practice, Deleuze and Guattari have created a new vocabulary to permit them to speak about psychoanalysis and society without falling into either Marxist or Freudian ideas. For Deleuze and Guattari, history is a process of de- and reterritorializations of desire and social production. At the beginning is the primitive tribe, a "primitive territorial machine", in which everything is coded. The society is static, and every gesture, action and even the body is governed by rules.

Everything is social. The territory is clearly marked out. At later level in history, the age of empires, the tribe gives way to the despot,a "barbaric territorial machine", who deterritorializes the tribe, but continues to maintain social order through a highly coded production. Letter of 17 September , in HOC , vol. Robert Boyle, A physico-chymical essay , containing an experiment , with some Considerations touching the differing parts and redintegration of salt-petre , in Certain physiological essays , and other tracts written at distant Times , and on several occasions , in The Works , vol.

A physico-chymical essay , p. XIII, lemma I. See note 33 below. VI, and with different interpretative results by David R. Shahan and J. Biro, University of Oklahoma, , II ed. Henceforth referred to as Ethics. Ethics , part I, proposit. XV, dem. XV, schol. VI, p. Wolf, London , I, 2, too, the example relating to water reappears. XIII, axioms and lemmas ff. Boyle does not put forward his proofs as mathematical, there will be no need to enquire whether they are altogether convincing.

For by reason and calculation we divide bodies infinitely, and consequently the forces which are required to move them; but we shall never be able to prove this by experiment. On the question see the article of A. Rupert Hall and M. On this kind are motion, rest, and their laws; of the former kind are the terms visible and invisible, hot, cold, and to say it at once fluid and firm, etc.

On the issue of motion in Spinoza see W. Nevertheless the topic calls for further investigation. The whole short correspondence between these two authors - only three letters, the last of which is merely a fragment, survive - is significant as regards the question of experience in connection with the theory of knowledge in Spinoza. A Collection of Critical Essays , edited by M. Grene, Notre Dame, Indiana, , pp. For an analysis of the relationship between Boyle and Spinoza with particular attention to the significance of the experiment and the role of the experience, cf.

X Colloquio internazionale Roma, - forthcoming. Moreau and its rich bibliography, see also the collection of essays edited by Robert W. Science et religion. Further on p. Boyle had set himself no other end than merely to show the weak foundation of the puerile and trivial doctrine of substantial forms, qualities, etc. But as I was sure that he wished to explain the nature of niter, that is to say as a heterogeneous body consisting of fixed and volatile parts, I wished to show in my explanation and I think I showed it adequately and more than adequately that we can explain all the phenomena of niter, at least all that I am aware of, very easily, even if we do not admit that niter is a heterogeneous body but regard it as homogeneous.

But I deny that this result follows any more clearly and obviously from the experiments just mentioned than from other common experiments, [from which, however, this does not follow].

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II, pp. All of the letter is significant. As he says, he only wished to show that the various textures of bodies produce their various differences, and that from these proceed very different effects, and that, therefore, so long as no analysis into primary matter has been made, philosophers and others rightly infer a certain heterogeneity.

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I do not suppose there is any disagreement between you and Mr. Boyle on fundamental matters. But as to your saying that any calx whose pores are too narrow to hold the particles of niter and whose walls are too weak to do so is able to resist the motion of the particles of niter and therefore the redintegrations of the niter itself: Boyle replies that if the spirit of niter is mixed with other kinds of calx it will not then combine with them to form true niter.

I thank one of the referees for having pointed out to me this reference. By Michael Hunter, Cambridge , pp. Hooykaas, Robert Boyle. A study in science and Christian belief Oxford, ; Peter R. Anstey, The philosophy of Robert Boyle , London, Oldenburg circulated among his correspondents, namely Boyle, Robert Moray and probably others, a long excerpt of a letter written by Spinoza probably towards the end of September , dealing with the scientific opinions of Kircher, Descartes and Huygens.

In the same excerpt Spinoza illustrated in a mildly polemical and ironical tone the content and purpose of the Tractatus theologico-politicus. On this point see Filippo Mignini, Ars imaginandi.

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Apparenza e rappresentazione in Spinoza , Naples, particularly chapter I. As well as the specific bibliography already mentioned previously see also M. Gueroult, Spinoza. II , op.

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For as the interpretation of nature consist in the examination of the history of nature, and therefrom deducing definitions of natural phenomena on certain fixed axioms, so Scriptural interpretation proceeds by the examination of Scripture, and inferring the intention of its authors as a legitimate conclusion from its fundamental principles. By working in this manner everyone will always advance without danger of error -that is, if they admit no principles for interpreting Scripture, and discussing its contents save such as they find in Scripture itself-and will be able with equal security to discuss what surpasses our understanding, and what is known by the natural light of reason.

Elwes, London , pp. I1 , letter XXX , Sept. II and letter LXI. Furthermore M. Spinoza himself informed Oldenburg that the printing of the Ethics was originally planned for July but was put off by the author because of unfavourable rumours.