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Need help? How do I find a book? Can I borrow this item? Can I get a copy? Can I view this online? Ask a librarian. Russian women and their organizations : gender, discrimination, and grassroots women's organizations, In particular, she highlights the ambivalence regarding the nature of the Soviet family.
On the one hand, in articles detailing the heroism of worker-mothers devoted to the their work, and by inference to the state, men are often completely absent: it is as if, Tartakovskaya argues, the state will not allow competition for female devotion from the side of men. The uncertainty regarding this question which Tartakovskaya highlights was not, as the other research conducted within the framework of the project reveals, confined to the pages of Soviet newspapers and has significant implications for gender relations in contemporary Russia.
As far as the contemporary newspapers are concerned, the particular preoccupations of the Communist authorities - such as encouraging child bearing and heroism at work - are no longer evident, and neither is the assumption that the individual exists to serve the state in a way appropriate to her sex. But although the ideology of the past has apparently been replaced by a new pluralism, what has remained unchalleged are the patriarchal assumptions which underlay the preservation of ideas of innate sexual difference within Soviet ideology and society.
Both of the magazines she considers are strongly influenced by British youth culture and the representations of sexuality they contain are a million miles away from those which were sanctioned during the Soviet period. But although a distinctly new plurality has emerged in which, for example, homosexuality and androgeny are accepted and even celebrated, traditional assumptions are not directly challenged by the way in which such phenomena are presented as just one among a range of fashion accessories in a post-modern supermarket of style.
This analysis of the emerging youth culture of post-Communist Russia highlights the speed with which the limits of acceptability are being redefined, but also emphasises that the implications of this for youth culture are not clear cut. Her main finding is that New Russian men, liberated from the constraints of the Soviet past, are re- establishing patriarchal norms of behaviour.
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For example, the men she interviewed generally wanted their wives to stay at home, and had very traditional conceptions of the role of women. Moreover, several of them were effectively living as polygamists, retaining several families at the same time, and were proud of their ability to afford to be able to do so. Indeed, New Russian men, who are one of the few groups of men in Russian society free to live as they choose, are rejecting the Soviet model of working womanhood with a vengeance: they want to be sole breadwinners; they want their women to be beautiful housewives, rather than the feisty factory workers of Soviet propaganda and they want to leave domestic organisation to women while maintaining, as their Soviet forebears failed to, their position as head of the family.
Sergei Kukhterin , meanwhile, has analysed changing attitudes towards fatherhood. While motherhood was glorified in the Soviet period, the role of fathers was accorded very little significance in official discourse. On a symbolic level the state arrogated to itself the role of father: it took responsibility for providing for women and their children. The role and status of men was thus defined by their work in the service of the state rather than by their position in the family.
The old work-defined hierarchies of the past are being redefined during the transition from communism and as a result many men in formerly prestigious professions and sectors, such as miners and workers in heavy industry, have experienced a dramatic drop in status. Khuterin has interviewed make and female representatives of three generations from four families as well as a selection of young fathers.
He has noticed a distinct change in the conception of the role of fathers if not a dramatic transformation of their behaviour among those raised during the late Soviet and transition period. The middle generation, however, unequivocally evaluate men in terms of their position in the service of the state - at work, in the army, in Party organisations - rather than their role in the family: among the men and women of this generation it is neither an ideal and nor was it common practice for men to assert themselves as heads of the family.
Correspondingly, younger men are taking their responsibilities as fathers more seriously - they do see the need to spend time with their children in a way that was not the case in the past. Nevertheless, the home is still seen as a feminine domain to which men are primarily bound by duty rather than inclination.
Thus, although the retreat of the state has been accompanied by a growing pressure on men to provide for and participate in the family, this has certainly not led to a transformation of their behaviour. Research plans: Cultural and political consequences of the crisis of gender identity following the collapse of the Soviet system. The central hypothesis of the project is that the collapse of the Soviet system has had profound implications for the gender identity of both men and women in Russia. The project emphasises the distinctiveness of gender relations in the Soviet Union, in which the role of the traditional Russian patriarch was taken over by the Soviet state.
The state defined gender roles not in relation to each other, but in relation to the state and the socialist future, men being assigned the role of workers, and Soviet women the role of worker-mothers. The objective of the research is to formulate more precisely the changes in, and challenges to, male and female gender identities which are presented by the collapse of the Soviet state. It will do this using qualitative techniques such as life history interviews, focus groups, and content analysis of cultural representations.
A shared conception of the nature of the gender order established by the Soviet state has been elaborated in group discussion and all the individual research plans proceed from this analysis. Each researcher will examine a separate aspect of the changes set in train by the collapse of the Soviet state and the project as a whole will thus provide a multi-faceted analysis of the complex and often contradictory processes which are re-shaping gender relations and identity in the new Russia. This study looks at the changing meaning of motherhood during the transition from Communism.
In order to highlight the social processes at work the study is divided into two parts:. Marina Kiblitskaya: Female breadwinners in Russia: The view through three generations. Kiblitskaya will conduct life history interviews with 30 women from three different generations, aiming to highlight changes in values, forms of career and family life among three very different types of breadwinner. He will examine conceptions of masculinity in Russian and Soviet history, drawing attention to those elements which have retained a relatively constant currency over time, as well as highlighting the changes which have occurred in the dominant forms of masculinity.
In the transition period this heterogeneity has become more pronounced: different patterns of masculinity are developing and hierarchies are being established between them. In order to examine this process, Kukhterin will conduct 30 deep interviews with a wide range of Russian men. The interviews will deal with both their work and their family lives. This study investigates the different, and often contradictory, forms of gender relations which co-exist in post-Soviet Russia, and aims:.
The study will be based on an analysis of the reactions of different generations to gender representations in television advertising. The study will use adverts shown on Russian TV in December and January , divided into the three types: Western adverts, Western adverts adapted for Russian audiences and Russian adverts. Eight single-sex focus groups will be conducted, parallel groups of men and women from four generations:.
The adverts chosen and the discussions following them will focus on issues of family roles, sexuality, and the meaning of a career and success for men and women. Such discussions will not only highlight differences in male and female conceptions of gender roles, they will also help to identify the dynamics of change in the social construction of gender roles in the contemporary Russia. Western adverts often employ conceptions of gender which differ either subtly or starkly from Russian norms or the norms of particular generations of Russians.
These can produce strong reactions in viewers which reveal a great deal about their normative perceptions of gender roles. The discussions will not remain at the level of perceptions and attitudes, however. Thus, the focus groups should also draw attention to gulfs or contradictions between norms and practice in the sphere of gender relations.
This study will consider representations of masculinity and femininity in Russian newspapers. On the basis of a content analysis of a selection of contrasting popular newspapers, the study aims to:. Cultural and political consequences of the crisis of gender identity following the collapse of the Soviet system.
The research has been conducted over the first year of the project almost completely in accordance with the original work programme, as revised following the reduction in funding to drop the survey originally proposed and to concentrate on qualitative research.
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The first year has been devoted primarily to field work and the refinement of hypotheses, although most of the researchers were already in a position to report preliminary results by the end of the year. The second year of the project will be devoted to writing up the results, conducting supplementary fieldwork, and arranging and preparing the resulting papers for publication in Russian, German and English.
This was followed by a seminar in Moscow attended by Simon Clarke, Sarah Ashwin and all of the Russian participants in the project later in December where the research methods were discussed in detail and the timetable for the research was confirmed. At the July seminar participants presented their preliminary hypotheses and discussed their detailed fieldwork plans. At the December seminar half of the participants were able to present the first draft of their results in written form, the other half presenting oral reports as their basic fieldwork was still in progress.
In between the international seminars in Moscow, the Russian participants met in their regional groups and in Moscow on a regular basis to discuss the progress of their research. All the participants have communicated regularly by electronic mail. The division of tasks and project management have been in accordance with the original work programme. Negotiations with UCL Press for the publication of an English language book are in an advanced stage and we are confident that a contract will be signed in the near future.
The papers for this book will be translated and edited by Sarah Ashwin, who will also write an introduction. Bielefeld anticipates being able to arrange for the translation of at least some of the papers into German and is currently exploring the possibility of German publication either of the collection of papers in book form, or of a selection in independent journal articles. This edited collection presents the findings of a collaborative research project investigating the implications of the collapse of the Soviet state for male and female gender identities.
Although no coherent alternative model is being imposed from above, economic and political reforms have undermined the material and institutional basis of the gender relations and identities which comprised the Soviet gender order. The book analyses the changing character of these gender relations and identities as post-Soviet men and women respond to the transformation of their environment wrought by the collapse of communism.
The book comprises the individual studies of sociologists involved in a collaborative research project, which analyses different dimensions of the changes on the basis of qualitative research carried out over a period of two years. The introduction links the themes of the individual studies, setting them in a wider context and highlighting the general conclusions of the research group. Although the different chapters of the book are written by individual researchers, all the papers proceed from a jointly elaborated conception of the Soviet gender order presented in the introduction and all have been discussed at seminars of the research group - thus the book very much forms an integrated whole rather than a disparate selection of studies.
As well as being informed by a distinct theoretical conception, the book also breaks new ground in considering the neglected issue men and masculinity in the Soviet and post-Soviet context. The central feature of the Soviet gender order was that conceptions of masculinity and femininity were officially defined in terms of service to the Soviet state. In the case of women, their role was defined as worker-mothers who had a duty to work and to produce future generations of workers, in return for which the state replaced the individual man in the role of provider.
Thus, masculinity became socialised and embodied in the Soviet state, the masculinity of individual men being officially defined by their position in the service of that state. The collapse of the Soviet state has removed the institutional underpinning from the gender identities forged in the Soviet era. Women are no longer guaranteed work outside the home, while social benefits are being eroded and motherhood is being redefined as a private institution and responsibility. The erosion of the material and institutional basis of old norms has been combined with a dramatic limitation of the prescriptive capacities and ambitions of the state in the post-communist era.
This has enshrined a new pluralism in which competing visions of the desirable form of gender relations can be expressed, but the implications of this are far from clear cut. This book aims to identify and analyse the key dynamics amid this diversity. The analysis of the nature of the changes taking place is organised around three main themes. It will also set the book in a comparative perspective, explaining the way in which the research relates to the wider literature on gender relations and identity.
The chapter focuses on the changing values and motivation of the different generations of breadwinners, and the implications of the changes for the organisation of work and family life. Kiblitskaya shows that women themselves subscribed to the idea that it was their duty to both run and provide for the household, and judged themselves and other women by this criterion. This chapter is divided into two sections.
The first part consists of a historical analysis of the significance of motherhood in Soviet culture. This will briefly highlight the dominant conceptions of motherhood in the Russian Orthodox tradition and in Russian literature, before moving on to examine the social construction of motherhood in the Stalinist period.
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The study of this period will be focused on an analysis of the magazine Materinstvo i mladenchestvo Motherhood and Infancy in the years - which was a mouthpiece for official policy on motherhood in the period in question. The second half of the chapter considers the changes both in the official attitude to motherhood and the aspirations and expectations of women themselves.
In the early Soviet period, the Bolsheviks experimented with the idea of placing children under the direct guardianship of the state, thus appropriating the role of both parents. The mother thus became the mediator between the state and the child, with the father banished from the realm of child care. This model persisted, with minor modifications, for the whole of the Soviet period.
In the post-Soviet period, the official attitude to motherhood is changing. This shift in the official status of motherhood raises questions about the changing attitude of women themselves to their role as mothers. Isupova will investigate this question through a series of deep interviews with mothers born between and , focusing on the contrast between the small group of materi-otkaznitsy women who give their children away at birth, or refusnik mothers with other types of mother. Since this is the group that deviates most strongly from the Soviet ideal of motherhood, analysis of their attitudes in relation to those of other groups will highlight the changes taking place in the meaning that women ascribe to motherhood.
This study will also call into question the changing role of fathers in the post-communist period, since the existing statistical data on materi-otkaznitsy shows that mothers more often give up their children at birth because of lack of a husband or partner, than because of a lack of money, housing, the right to claim benefits or other such factors.
Otkaznitsy very rarely claim that they never want to bring up their own children, but say that they want to do so in more favourable conditions. Indeed, New Russian men, who are one of the few groups of men in Russian society free to live as they choose, are rejecting the Soviet model of working womanhood with a vengeance: they want to be sole breadwinners; they want their women to be beautiful housewives, rather than the feisty factory workers of Soviet propaganda and they want to leave domestic organisation to women while retaining, as their Soviet forebears failed to, their position as head of the family.
This chapter considers changing attitudes towards fatherhood. Kukhterin has interviewed male and female representatives of three generations from four families as well as a selection of young fathers. In addition to this, Kukhterin argues that younger men are taking their responsibilities as fathers more seriously and do see the need to spend time with their children in a way that was not the case in the past.
Nevertheless, the home is still seen as a feminine domain to which men are primarily bound by duty rather than inclination: although the role of fathers may be changing, gender roles within the family remain strongly differentiated. Many men are very active in attempting to ensure the well-being of their families during the transition, and men are generally better placed than women to do so because they have access to more highly paid work and have more opportunity to gain well remunerated secondary employment. But in extreme circumstances the social role and position of men may induce paralysis rather than the frantic activity of women.
Kiblitskaya argues that this is because men feel the need to provide for the family less keenly than women, and are more concerned with preserving their independence and status. While the women she studied were most concerned about their ability to obtain resources for their families, men who had fallen on hard times tended to be most troubled by the fact that they no longer had money in their own pockets.
Of course, as already noted, not all men behave in this way. This chapter focuses on the portrayal of sexuality in contemporary youth magazines. The aim of the research is to examine gender differences in employment strategies through longitudinal qualitative research which traces the labour market activity of specially selected groups of men and women through a consecutive series of deep interviews. The four groups chosen all have reasons to be mobile, and have contrasting ages and statuses: graduates from university and technical training institutes; applicants to the employment service; those in receipt of state benefits and those working for depressed enterprises and institutes.
Following the progress of equal numbers of men and women from these groups over a three-year period will provide the basis for an analysis of the different factors, which shape the labour market behaviour of men and women during economic transition. Most of the existing research on gender and employment in Russia has concentrated on the changing character of occupational segregation after the collapse of communism, with a heavy reliance on a limited range of official, and often somewhat dubious, statistical data and a small amount of survey research.
This research focus has implied a concentration on the impact of the policy of the state and employers on individuals and a relative neglect of the role of men and women as active agents in the labour market. The proposed research will be innovative in applying established qualitative methods of sociological research to these issues and in focusing on the employment strategies of men and women as agents in the shaping the labour market.
Within the international literature on gender and employment the role of individual preferences has received increasing attention. Recent interest has been generated by the controversial arguments of Catherine Hakim, who emphasises the importance of the divergent choices made by men and women in explaining the persistence of occupational segregation and the pay gap across a contrasting range of societies.
The proposed research into gender differences in employment strategies will therefore not only make an important contribution to our understanding of the gender dynamics of employment restructuring in Russia which will assist policy formation, but will also feed into on-going debates regarding the way in which gender influences behaviour in the labour market by providing a broader comparative perspective, in particular comparing the experience of Russia with the contrasting experiences of Britain and Germany, including former East Germany.
All of the collaborators in the project have been working on various aspects of these problems for a number of years, have published in the field, and most have worked together within the framework of INTAS and other projects involving research on employment, on the one hand, and aspects of gender identity, on the other. The proposed project builds on past research results to bring together these two different strands. The particular contribution of each group is defined by their specialist interests and experience.
The Syktyvkar group specialises in research in poverty and the labour market; the Samara group specialises in research on local labour market institutions; the Ulyanovsk group specialises in the study of youth and the Moscow group on enterprise case studies. The specific contributions of Dr. Sarah Ashwin and Dr. Birgit Pfau-Effinger to the project will be to develop the comparative dimension of the research indicated above. As far as the implications for our understanding of gender and employment in contemporary Russia are concerned, the research aims to provide answers to a number of questions.
Indeed, there are more unemployed men than women, while economic inactivity rates for men and women do not differ significantly after controlling for age. Particular attention will be paid to the interaction between the role of women within the household and their employment strategies since there is evidence that the primary responsibility which women assume for the survival of their households in Russia actually promotes their active participation in the labour market.
Secondly, the project will examine the employment strategies of men and aim to identify different types of male behaviour. For, while large numbers of men are clearly active in their pursuit of opportunities and income, certain groups of men are experiencing serious difficulties in adjusting to the uncertainty of the post-Soviet environment and it will be important to explain the differences between these groups. The examination of men will also ensure that the behaviour of women will not be contrasted with an assumed male norm, but with the actual behaviour of men.
Since the literature on gender and employment has a tendency to formulate propositions which are either implicitly or explicitly universalistic, this investigation into male behaviour will make an important contribution to the wider literature. The groups chosen for examination span different age groups for example, students finishing courses and those working in depressed enterprises , and within the different groups respondents will be stratified by age.
One important question that the research will consider is whether younger women who have not been inculcated with the Soviet work ethic have a lower, or more instrumental, commitment to work than older women. But again the behaviour and attitudes of these young women will not be compared with an assumed male norm of commitment and activity, but with the actual behaviour and attitudes of young men. Work on gender as a factor in labour market behaviour tends either to emphasise the different structural constraints faced by men and women, or to stress the role of individual preferences.
It is our hypothesis that this dichotomy between structure and agency is misconceived. Rather, research needs to highlight the interaction between individuals and their environment: the external environment both constrains and shapes the aspirations of individuals, while this environment is also transformed by the activity of individuals. Russia is in a period of rapid change in which old norms are being challenged, established institutions reformed or destroyed and state policy transformed.
Conducting longitudinal research in this environment provides a unique opportunity to examine a complex series of inter-relations. In particular, the research will analyse the way in which not only state and employer policy and provision, but also changing conceptions of gender roles, influence the behaviour of men and women. It is our hypothesis that male and female employment strategies are not shaped by stable sex-specific preferences, but by gender roles which are socially defined and hence mutable; conducting research in a society in flux provides an excellent opportunity to examine this.
Similarly, the labour market itself is a dynamic entity and the research will provide an indication of the way in which the employment strategies of men and women are shaping its evolution in Russia. The core of the research programme will be a series of deep interviews conducted at six-monthly intervals over the period of the project with respondents who are active in the labour market at the beginning of the research. The activism of these individuals is defined by their location at certain fixed and specific points in their work histories.
These will be new entrants to the labour market, graduating from a university and a technical training institute; those confronting the labour market involuntarily as a result of the acute financial difficulties of their employer; those who are unemployed and seeking work through the employment service and those whose incomes are so low that they are applicants for social assistance. The purpose of the research is to relate the aspirations, intentions and expectations of those who are on the margins of employment or who are actively seeking employment at the beginning of the research to the subsequent labour market outcomes, in particular the experience of employment and, if appropriate, subsequent job changes and periods of unemployment.
These differences will be related to gender, age, educational qualifications, initial labour market situation, initial aspirations and orientations, and household structure to assess the typologies proposed by Hakim and others and to develop a typology specific to the Russian experience as a basis for cross-cultural comparison.
The appropriate methodology for such a project is the method of repeated semi-structured deep interviews, which make it possible to explore subjective orientations and to establish complex relationships, using a carefully structured interview guide to ensure that all respondents cover the same ground. This method is very time consuming so that, with limited resources, it is possible to interview only a relatively small number of respondents, making it impossible to aspire to a representative sample.
For this reason the respondents will be selected purposively, with each local group focusing on the study of a particular category of respondents and then selecting individuals for interview to ensure that they are diversified in terms of the key variables as appropriate of gender, age, educational level, employment history and household situation.
The focus of the interviews will develop over time as the project unfolds. The first interview will be oriented primarily to the current employment orientation and labour market strategy of the respondent; and the following interviews primarily to subsequent experience of the labour market and, where appropriate, employment, in order to identify factors underlying further labour market activity, which will be related to the demographic, subjective and social structural factors indicated above.
Each of the Russian research teams will be responsible for the selection, interviewing and monitoring of a particular group of respondents within the project according to a common schedule. The division of types of respondent between the teams will be:. All of the chosen groups of respondents have reasons for mobility within the labour market, although whether and why their situation induces activity is one of the issues that the research will address.
In order to trace the evolving employment strategies in the different groups the following procedure will be adopted by all teams. The first stage of the research will involve the formulation of the interview guide and selection of respondents over the first three months of the project. The interview guide will be formulated at a meeting of all the participants in the project to be held in the first month. It will then be piloted by each group and amendments discussed via electronic mail to devise a final version.
Respondents will be selected by conducting a two-stage selection process. In the first stage the whole of the relevant cohort will be asked to complete a short questionnaire covering socio-demographic characteristics and employment status, and including a question about willingness to participate in the project. On the basis of this initial survey, equal numbers of men and women will be selected within each category and respondents will be stratified according to the relevant variables indicated above.
Each team will select a total of 60 respondents. The first interview with each respondent will be detailed and semi-structured, and will proceed according to a common interview guide. The aim of the first interview is to obtain a work and personal history of the respondent and an account of their future employment plans.
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It is anticipated that the first interview will take a minimum of one hour, but in most cases will be considerably longer and may extend over a series of meetings. It is expected that the process of interviewing will take place over a period of three months. All interviews will be tape recorded. Each participant will produce typed transcripts of all interviews, which will be circulated among the research teams. Each group will be responsible for preparing brief research reports on their findings after each stage of interviewing.hukusyuu.com/profile/2020-05-26/mein-iphone-8-plus-orten.php
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After the first round of interviews all of the participants in the project will meet to consider the research reports and findings at the end of the first stage and to define research priorities for the interviews at the next stage of the project. These priorities will be embodied in an interview guide to be used for the next round of interviews. This will necessarily be more open-ended than the guide for the first round.
All respondents will be contacted and interviewed every six months. These follow-up interviews will examine the evolving work histories and strategies of the respondents: whether they were able to realise any plans they had; which factors promoted or inhibited this; any unexpected changes in their employment; changes in their expectations or aspirations and so on. The aim of these interviews is to chart the way in which different factors such as domestic responsibilities and employment opportunities influence the labour market behaviour of men and women.
This will provide the basis for the evaluation of the nature of gender differences in employment strategy. The cycle will be continued through four rounds of interviews, which we would expect to extend over a period of approximately two years.
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Allowing for delays, this will leave approximately six months to concentrate on final data analysis, the preparation and presentation of research reports and dissemination of findings. Data analysis will be continuous throughout the project, based on the circulation of interview transcripts and regular research reports and the presentation of preliminary hypotheses to the regular research seminars to be held in Moscow. Thematic issues for analysis will be defined which cut across the specific group foci, and particular individuals will take responsibility for preparing research reports and scientific papers on their chosen themes.
The UK and German teams will base their own contributions on these thematic papers, reviewing the relevant literature and providing comparative theoretical, methodological and substantive inputs to locate the project within a comparative framework. Sarah Ashwin will be responsible for overseeing and co-ordinating the preparation of the conclusions of the project, which will be developed on a collaborative basis, and for editing scientific papers for English language publication. Sarah Ashwin already has considerable experience of project management, having worked for two years co-ordinating the activities of the ICFTU in Central and Eastern Europe before resuming her academic career.
Sarah Ashwin will take overall responsibility for the administration and co-ordination of the project, working closely with Svetlana Yaroshenko who will be the Principal Investigator responsible for academic co-ordination in Russia. Birgit Pfau-Effinger will maintain communications with other European researchers on the basis of her extensive networks with researchers in the field. Olga Issoupova will be responsible for making arrangements for the conduct of seminars in Moscow.
Co-operation between the teams will be fostered through seminars convened in Russia every six months. These will take place after each successive stage of interviewing has been completed and the reports produced.
The meetings will elaborate collective hypotheses, discuss the interview schedules and results and formulate research tasks for the subsequent phase of research. An initial seminar will be held before fieldwork begins to formulate the first interview guide, discuss the selection of respondents and determine a common approach to the conduct and recording of interviews. The main risk involved in the project is of respondents dropping out. In calculating the number of interviews required a 30 per cent drop out rate has been allowed for. All of the participants are highly committed to the research and to remaining in Russia so we do not expect any drop-out of researchers.
In such an eventuality we will have no trouble finding replacements. The proposed project has developed out of a convergence of the research interests of a number of individuals who have been involved in two previous INTAS-sponsored research projects, both co-ordinated by Professor Simon Clarke at the University of Warwick and involving German collaborators at Bremen and Bielefeld respectively. Dr Ashwin was centrally involved in both of these projects as a core member of the Warwick research team before she moved to her present post at the London School of Economics.
Contact was first established with Dr Pfau-Effinger at a conference at Bielefeld in December , attended by a number of participants in the previous INTAS project, and the present proposal has developed out of subsequent discussions. Although the theme has developed out of previous collaboration, the present proposal is quite distinct from both of the previous projects in its focus, personnel and collaborating institutions. However, the experience of previous collaboration has established the basis of trust and co-operative methods of work which is essential for successful joint research.
The proposed research has been discussed between the participants at meetings in Russia and Britain over the past few months, with further e-mail communication. It is a fully collaborative project, but with a division of tasks between the groups to reflect their areas of expertise, interests and research experience as described in 3.
Dr Sarah Ashwin will be responsible for the overall administration of the project, in close collaboration with Dr Svetlana Yaroshenko, who will be responsible for the academic co-ordination of the research programme in Russia. Each team will be responsible for the administration of its own finances, reporting to Sarah Ashwin on expenditure. Most of the participants know each other well and have long experience of collaborating in joint research projects on an egalitarian basis, so it is expected that the principal role of the co-ordinator and principal investigator will be to maintain co-ordination.
Regular communications will be maintained between all the groups by electronic mail and by regular six-monthly meetings of the whole project. Ashwin and E. Buckley ed. Ashwin, Russia's Saviours? Birgit Pfau-Effinger, Gender Cultures and the Gender Arrangement — a theoretical framework for cross-national comparisons on gender, Innovation , 1, Birgit Pfau-Effinger, et al. Svetlana Yaroshenko, , Conceptual approaches to the study of social inequality. Irina Kozina, , Osobennosti strategii case-study pri izuchenii proizvodstvennykh otnoshenii na promyshlennykh predpriyatiyakh Rossii', in Predpriyatie i rynok: dinamika upravleniya i trudovykh otnoshenii v perekhodnyi period , Veronika Kabalina ed.
Irina Kozina, , Changes in the social organisation of industrial enterprises, in Labour Relations in Transition. Gender, Generation and Identity in Contemporary Russia.