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Amman is upset about a number of issues, one of which being the fact that the gas pipeline from Egypt to Jordan is no longer functioning normally. Deportations of Egyptian workers formally started on December 8, when approximately two hundred migrants lacking necessary documentation were expelled al-Ahram , December 9 and By December 14, it was revealed that Jordan had arrested hundreds of Egyptian workers, who were found in violation of their residency permits and were facing deportation. Following Abdullah, other Jordanian institutions underlined how the potential expulsion of Egyptian migrants was linked to Egypt's policy on natural gas.

As per the study's third claim, when faced with Jordan's strategy of displacement, Egypt complied with the host-state demands. Morsi called Abdullah from London, where he was on an official visit on December 9. This was the first time the two leaders engaged in conversation since Morsi's electoral victory.

The Egyptian president reportedly guaranteed an increase in the supply of Jordan with Egyptian gas and agreed to create a joint bilateral committee on the issue, in order to appease Abdullah. According to al-Hayat , [t]he diplomatic contacts launched at the highest level between Jordan and Egypt succeeded in containing the crisis that had erupted between the two sides. The two states had signed agreements in this regard and President Morsi pledged to respect them.

A minor glitch in negotiations appeared in late January , when Qandeel was visiting Jordan to sign a bilateral agreement on the legalization of Egyptian migrant workers. Early the following year, Libya also successfully employed restriction and displacement strategies in its coercive migration diplomacy against Egypt. The ousting of the Gaddafi regime in had created tremendous political turmoil in Libya. Once the first phase of the civil war ended, the General National Congress emerged as the country's legislative authority and attempted to consolidate the transitional process in Libya.

Egypt in the immediate outbreak of the Libyan civil war had become a safe haven for elites affiliated with the Gaddafi regime, who continued their economic and political activities from Cairo. The Congress believed that their extradition and trial in Libya was necessary for Libya's post-Gaddafi political transition. But Egyptian authorities resisted such extradition requests, citing a number of legal obstacles. For instance, Egyptian courts had forbidden the extradition of Gaddafi's cousin, Ahmed Qaddaf Alddam, because he claimed to have Egyptian citizenship.

Similarly, other Libyan elites had already filed applications for Egyptian asylum, making a potential extradition to Libya legally difficult see details in Reuters , April In contrast to Jordan, Libya had been a preferred destination for Egyptian workers seeking employment opportunities abroad since the early s Tsourapas b ; Feiler , The proximity to Egypt, the porous border between the countries, and the ample wealth that flowed into the resource-rich but labor-poor country, which contains the largest oil reserves of any African state, allowed the country to become a major destination of Egyptian migrant labor.

In the later years of Gaddafi's rule, immigration controls for Egyptians became particularly relaxed Tsourapas Yet, Libya in contained only a small fraction of its earlier migrant labor force, mostly unskilled and low-skilled workers; in the post era, most Egyptians fled due to the brutal Libyan civil war that, coupled with the NATO-led military intervention, had contributed to the collapse of the oil industry. In the second half of , Libya let it be known publicly that remaining Egyptian migrants would be employed as a strategy against Egypt in case of noncompliance with the extradition requests.

In early , Libya engaged in a strategy of restriction seeking to shift Egypt's extradition policy. The General National Congress initiated the implementation of tougher measures against Egyptians working in the country and identified that many Egyptians lacked proper immigration or health certificates, were holding expired residency permits, or had gained entrance into Libya via fraudulent documents. At the same time, members of the Egyptian Christian Coptic community in Libya were harassed and arrested on illegal emigration charges Daily News Egypt , March 2.

In mid-March, an Egyptian Coptic Church in Benghazi was set on fire for the second time in , while 55 Egyptian Copts were arrested on charges of proselytization and reportedly tortured. Similar to Jordan, Libya's adaptation of displacement coerced Egypt into compliance.

Twenty-three other Libyan citizens were immediately arrested and duly extradited. Al-Ahram cited officials employed in the Egyptian Interpol, who declared that these extraditions were conducted in return for Egyptian migrant workers jailed in Libya being released al-Ahram , March They were returning a visit to Libya by a delegation representing Egyptian prosecution, which had been dispatched to investigate the arrests of Egyptian migrants and the death of Ezzat Attalah Daily News Egypt , March Egyptian compliance with Libyan demands led to the restoration of the status quo ante in terms of migration interdependence, as had occurred in Jordan a few months earlier.

The arrest of the Gaddafi-era elites in Cairo led Libya to reopen the border between the two countries, after keeping it closed for more than two months al-Ahram , April 26 The previous section identified how two host states leveraged their position in order to induce sending-state compliance via two mechanisms, restriction and displacement.

Confirming the study's first claim, both Jordan and Libya employed the restriction and displacement of Egyptian migrant labor within their territory in order to induce Egyptian compliance on the issue of natural gas and the extradition of Libyan elites, respectively. Why would a more powerful state yield to the demands of two weaker states? Why was Egypt, a state that numbered more than three million labor migrants abroad in , affected by the expulsion of a few thousand Egyptians?

According to the study's second claim, a sending state is likely to comply with a strategy of displacement when it demonstrates vulnerable migration interdependence. Indeed, Egypt under Morsi demonstrated migration interdependence vulnerability for it satisfied the two conditions theorized above: firstly, it faced a lack of alternative states able to shoulder the political economy costs of Jordanian and Libyan strategies, and, secondly, its economy was not in a position to absorb these costs domestically.

While Egypt had received diverse forms of aid from oil-producing Arab states, particularly Saudi Arabia, under Sadat and Mubarak, its regional isolation under the Morsi presidency strongly suggested that the post situation was completely different. As a result, it was highly unlikely that displaced Egyptian workers from Libya or Jordan would be redispatched to other oil-producing Arab states that had supported Egypt economically before the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood.

In fact, not only were Arab oil-producing states unwilling to support Morsi by absorbing any costs, but Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates—the three main host states in —were themselves engaging in a strategy of restriction against Egypt, by arresting Egyptian labor migrants with suspected ties to the Muslim Brotherhood for more details, see National But Egypt's inability to meet the Fund's loan requirements delayed the signing of the agreement until after Morsi was ousted from power. As Egypt's foreign reserves plummeted, economic remittances from Arab host states came to form a major part of the national economy, while Egypt's high unemployment rate, growing from 9 percent to It bears noting that Egyptian labor in both post Libya and Jordan has been typically employed in the unskilled and semiskilled sectors, which made reintegration into the Egyptian economy highly problematic.

Retail, tourism, and the unskilled sector were already overburdened in Egypt, which indicates that the economic impact of displacement was amplified given the spiking unemployment rates, the increased demand on government services, and broader strains on infrastructure. Two historical examples of earlier attempts at exploiting Egyptian migration interdependence help shed light on the importance of these two conditions in establishing vulnerability.

Gaddafi would deport thousands of Egyptian workers out of Libya in the mids, whenever his relations with the Egyptian President Anwar Sadat deteriorated Tsourapas When, in , Gaddafi expelled thousands of Egyptian migrants, Der Spiegel interviewed Sadat on his counterstrategy. Indeed, Egypt at the time did not meet either of the two vulnerability conditions.

For one, the close relationship between Egypt and the Gulf states meant that the latter were willing to absorb any political economy costs by recruiting those displaced Egyptians Feiler , 98— Despite the fact that Libya constituted the largest regional host state for Egyptian migrants at the time, Egypt did not comply with Gaddafi's demands, for it was not vulnerable to Libyan strategies. In , President Saddam Hussein ordered the displacement of Egyptians from Iraq at the time hosting more than 44 percent of all Egyptian regional migrants , partly to compel Egypt to withdraw from Operation Desert Storm Farouk-Sluglett and Sluglett , Despite the forced return of more than seven hundred thousand migrants Feiler , , Egypt did not shift its policy on Iraq.

While Egypt was not able to absorb these costs domestically only a year later, in , Mubarak had to resort to the IMF and initiate an arduous process of economic restructuring , it was able to locate alternative host states willing to shoulder the cost. Saudi Arabia and Libya, with whom Egypt had friendly relations Vandewalle , , absorbed the displaced migrants out of Iraq and minimized the socioeconomic cost to Egypt.

In terms of Saudi Arabia, Feiler writes the following: Fortunately for Egypt, Saudi Arabia offered [Egypt] various economic compensations for its cooperation with the anti-Iraqi coalition, and by the end of April , the number of Egyptian workers in Saudi Arabia had reached 1. Feiler , While Saudi Arabia and Libya do not release detailed migration statistics for security reasons, Farrag has estimated the geographical distribution of Egyptian regional migrants before and after Operation Desert Storm see Table 2.

Her findings exemplify Egypt's strategy of shifting the cost of host-state coercion to alternative host states. Overall, the fact that the Egyptian economy was not in a position to absorb the cost of Iraq's strategy of displacement did not render Egypt vulnerable to it: given that oil-producing Arab states were willing to shoulder this cost, Egypt did not satisfy one of the two conditions establishing migration interdependence vulnerability and was able to resist Iraqi coercion for contrast, see footnote 3. Source: Farrag , In sum, unlike earlier coercive attempts against Egypt under Sadat or Mubarak, the two cases examined in this study's empirical section occurred at a time when Egypt was both regionally isolated and economically weak.

As such, the article demonstrated how a sending state that is neither able to shift the cost of host-state strategies to other states nor able to absorb this cost domestically exhibits migration interdependence vulnerability and, thus, is likely to comply. Egyptian noncompliance to Libya and Jordan would have likely been an option in two counterfactual cases, as per the article's theoretical framework: firstly, had Morsi been able to shift the cost to another regional state as per Mubarak's strategy in , and, secondly, if the Egyptian economy had been able to absorb these costs domestically as per part of Sadat's strategy in This article developed a framework for understanding how labor migration features in coercive interstate relations.

It analyzed the mechanisms through which host states attempt to leverage their position against sending states, as well as the conditions under which such a strategy succeeds. I argued for viewing these dynamics through the prism of migration interdependence: reciprocal political economy effects created through cross-border population mobility between sending and host states.

A host state may attempt to leverage its position via restriction, namely the imposition of costs via curbing remittances, immigration, or both. It may also attempt to do so via displacement, namely the forced expulsion of a sending state's migrant group. I detailed an unexplored aspect of migration diplomacy by drawing on Middle East cases to highlight the potential potency of labor migration as a weapon of weak host states against stronger sending states. Do my arguments travel beyond the two cases discussed here?

Some examples highlight frequent uses of restriction and displacement by host states; in Afghanistan, authorities have not hesitated to use both restriction and displacement against Pakistani labor migrants entering the country since mid Elsewhere, bilateral disputes between Egypt and Sudan, including the contested border of the Halayeb Triangle, led Khartoum to adopt a strategy of restriction in April , by barring entry to Egyptian men aged between sixteen and fifty without visas Atef In both cases, my framework should help make sense of the nature of these strategies and the mechanisms that account for their effects.

This article challenges long-held understandings of cross-border migration as necessarily conducive to interstate cooperation. In doing so, the article avoids reproducing the conventional wisdom that stronger states induce weaker ones into compliance; rather, it affirms Keohane and Nye's insight that, under certain conditions, weaker states can successfully employ a nonmilitary coercive strategy against more powerful states.

In explaining the dynamics of such processes, the article also intervenes in ongoing debates within the growing literature on migrant remittances by putting them firmly into conversation with work on economic sanctions.

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Future work should test, and modify, my framework via medium- and large-N studies of host-state leverage strategies against sending states. Even if this study suggests that host-state attempts at manipulating sensitivity interdependence are unlikely to succeed, this does not mean that such efforts are politically unimportant. Under what conditions would preferential access to a host-state labor market, or the reduction of taxes imposed on migrant remittances, contribute to policy changes in sending states?

The mechanisms and dynamics of host-state use of labor migration against sending states constitute an important, underexplored field of inquiry in the study of world politics. He works on authoritarianism and the politics of migration, refugees, and diasporas in the Middle East and North Africa. I wish to thank the International Studies Quarterly editorial team as well as the three anonymous reviewers for their help in improving the quality of this manuscript.

I am also grateful to Maria Koinova for her astute comments on multiple versions of this piece. The argumentation originally developed during conversations with Fiona Adamson—I have benefitted tremendously from her support and insightful feedback. Ahmad Barakat has provided valuable research assistance. Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Sign In or Create an Account.

Sign In. Advanced Search. Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Volume Article Contents. Investigating Labor Migration as Interstate Leverage. Methodology and Case Selection. Oxford Academic. Google Scholar. Cite Citation. Permissions Icon Permissions. Abstract How do states attempt to use their position as destinations for labor migration to influence sending states, and under what conditions do they succeed? Table 1. Open in new tab. Open in new tab Download slide. Table 2. The article is merely interested in identifying the perceived importance of emigration for sending states.

However, this is beyond the scope of the study's research questions. While the article does not argue that the impact of a complex phenomenon such as migration is limited to political economy, its analysis focuses on effects produced by labor migration as a form of interstate trade. Similarly, transit states may also generate migration interdependence, but this is not analyzed here. However, I view such costs as spillover effects from a sending state's inability to absorb the political economy cost domestically or shift it to alternative host states.

For ease of reading, all dates in this section refer to , unless otherwise stated. Do Migrants Improve Their Hometowns? Remittances and Access to Public Services in Mexico, — Search ADS. Google Preview. Amman Center for Human Rights Studies. Accessed November 21, Associated Press. BBC News. De Genova. International Monetary Fund. Multiple Actors and Comparative Perspectives. New York Times. Times of India. Middle East Report. Washington Post. World Bank. Bilateral Remittances Matrix. Bilateral Migration Matrix Issue Section:.

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Educational Fulbright Commission , and the Japan-U. Friendship Commission. As stipulated in the Tokyo Declaration issued on the occasion of discussions between Prime Minister Miyazawa and President Bush in Japan in January , the Government of Japan and the Government of the United States of America, based upon the recognition that it is essential to identify and solve economic and trade issues for a smooth and sound management of Japan-U. The two Governments undertake individual and joint decisions necessary for the conclusion of a successful, broad-based Uruguay Round.

Both the United States and Japan believe that Director General Dunkel's proposed text is an important step that helps establish momentum to bring the Uruguay Round to a successful conclusion.

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Of course, the Dunkel proposal is not a final text. Both Governments are still continuing to analyze and assess the document. The further important step is to negotiate improved market access for goods and services. The two Governments intend to reinvigorate the SII through strengthening policy initiatives including new commitments to address the aspects of the business environment of both countries that might impede structural reform including market access, foreign investments and competitiveness, while fulfilling the commitment in the Joint Report of The two Governments express their support for the efforts made by Japanese companies through the "Business Initiatives for Global Partnership" and welcome the announcement that 23 Japanese companies in electronics, auto, and machine industries are planning to increase their level of imports from the world by 10 billion dollars in JFY as compared to JFY The Government of Japan will provide, for the convenience of foreign companies, a list of contact points of the companies making voluntary action plans, and will follow up on developments under the voluntary plans.

The Government of Japan intends, subject to the completion of the domestic legal procedures as necessary, to take the following supportive measures in the next fiscal year in order to complement the above initiatives by the private sector. The implementation of the import-promoting credit line is planned for as early as before the end of this fiscal year.

The Government of the United States of America encourages American companies to make the best use of these opportunities. The two Governments welcome the progress of cooperation between U. Eximbank resources, could generate more than 10 billion dollars worth of projects.

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The two Governments welcome and support the initiatives to strengthen and further promote exchanges and cooperation between business people and the business communities of the two countries through the activities of such institutions as the Japan-U. Businessmen's Conference, the Japan-Western U. Association, the Japan-Midwest U. Association, the Japan-Southeast U. Association, the Japan-Southern U.

Association, and the Japan-Hawaii Economic Council. The Government of Japan initiates the Measures with the aim of expanding Japanese public sector procurements of competitive foreign computer products and services, based on the principles of non-discrimination, transparency, and fair and open competition. The two Governments expect that the implementation of these Measures, along with continued sales efforts by foreign firms, will contribute to increased Japanese public sector procurements of competitive foreign computer products and services.

By the end of March , through cooperative and intensive consultations, the Government of Japan and the Government of the United States of America will agree on measures to substantially increase market access for foreign firms exporting paper products to Japan. Japan Fair Trade Commission JFTC has decided to initiate a survey on conditions in the paper sector from the competition policy perspective, before the end of March, The Government of Japan will take steps to substantially increase market access for competitive foreign firms making efforts to export flat glass to Japan, including the following:.

One purpose of these programs is to ensure that the distribution system is open to competitive foreign glass manufacturers. The Government of Japan and the Government of the United States of America will meet as either side may deem appropriate to exchange information relevant to the aforementioned steps.

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JFTC has decided to initiate a survey on conditions in the glass market from the competition policy perspective, before the end of March Ministry of Construction MOC will facilitate the efforts of foreign firms to meet Japanese building standards for flat glass and other glass building materials by holding briefing sessions for foreign firms and making available English language versions of all standards, consisting of the Building Standard Law as well as relevant Cabinet Orders, Enforcement Regulations and Notifications. The two Governments, in recognition of the importance of the U.

These steps will improve market access in sectors such as industrial machinery, chemicals, transportation equipment, processed food, cosmetics, and pharmaceuticals. The Government of Japan will continue to actively address market access issues raised by foreign companies and others through the OTO. Last November, the Government of Japan decided to take steps to increase government procurement opportunities. These steps should increase the procurement opportunities roughly from to billion yen approximately three to six billion dollars.

The Government of Japan intends to implement from April 1, , such measures as increasing transparency in tendering procedures procurement notices written in English, extension of the period for receipt of tenders , lowering the threshold value from , to , SDRs , and widening the coverage addition of 28 entities. The two Governments intend to intensify their efforts of the U. Taking into account the important role lawyers play in international transactions, the Government of Japan will redouble its efforts to resolve issues related to foreign lawyers gaikokuho-jimu-bengoshi.

The two Governments intend to intensify bilateral policy dialogue at all levels with a view to enhancing early warning function on sectoral economic and trade issues, particularly in such fora as the U.

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These announcements were made voluntarily by Japanese automobile manufacturers, based on the premise that U. The aggregated figures of the announcements are as follows:. They made it clear that, in addition to U. With regard to standards and certification issues, under the Office of Trade and investment Ombudsman OTO procedure, six of the fourteen outstanding issues had been resolved at the technical level as of January 1, Of the remaining eight issues, six are in resolution and two are imminently to be resolved.

Japan Fair Trade Commission has decided to initiate a survey on conditions in the automobile sector from the competition policy perspective before the end of March Government is committed to an economically viable U. Government will draw upon and expand existing programs, including the U. As required, these programs will be tailored to meet the needs of U. Government will encourage U.

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Encourage the improvement of technological infrastructure and distribution facilities of US parts suppliers to take full advantage of opportunities in the Japanese market. TANC offers these agreements electronically as a public service for general reference. Every effort has been made to ensure that the text presented is complete and accurate. However, copies needed for legal purposes should be obtained from official archives maintained by the appropriate agency.

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Political and Security Relations The U. Economic and Trade Relations Aware of the high degree of interdependence of their economies and mindful of the need to encourage closer cooperation to promote conditions of sustainable real growth with price stability and employment, the two governments are resolved to enhance openness and oppose protectionism in their commercial, financial, and investment markets. Science and Technology Mindful of their positions as world leaders in scientific research and technical development, the two governments undertake to expand scientific and technical cooperation, including basic research, based on reciprocal access, for the benefit of both societies and the human community.

Enhancement of Mutual Understanding and Exchanges Acknowledging that communication and understanding between peoples of both countries are essential to an enduring partnership, the United States and Japan pledge to undertake and support programs which will advance the rich and diverse intellectual, cultural, and public interaction between their two peoples.

Commonwealth of Independent States - Extend appropriate and effective assistance to the members of the Commonwealth of Independent States to help them reform their domestic and foreign policies, both economic and political, and to help the governments meet the basic needs of the people. Central and Eastern Europe - Enhance bilateral consultation as well as cooperation in multilateral institutions, including the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and G, in order to provide the most effective assistance to Central and Eastern Europe.

Middle East - Welcome progress towards a Middle East peace. Africa - Support the development of market economies and the democratization process in Africa. Science and Technology Agreement, by assisting developing countries to prepare disaster reduction plans, including hazard mapping, risk assessment and the establishment of databases; -- Cooperate to help conserve and wisely manage world forests, including tropical forests, by negotiating by the time of UNCED an agreement on principles for all types of forest, leading to a framework convention; and by collaborating through appropriate international organizations such as the International Tropical Timber organization ITTO for achieving the ITTO Year Target; -- Strengthen liaison in the field between Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers JOCV and U.

Peace Corps; -- Cooperate with organizations such as UNEP to facilitate the transfer of environmentally sound technologies to developing countries and countries with economies in transition; Encourage nongovernmental organizations, industry and other private sector groups to contribute to international efforts to preserve the environment; e. Joint Commission on Aging to provide a framework to address a broad range of issues related to aging populations; -- Engage in cooperative research activities in support of the international Children's Vaccine Initiative.

Narcotics -- Enhance cooperation to help Southeast Asian nations resolve narcotics problems, in particular, through joint training and information gathering. Refugees -- Strengthen cooperation, particularly through international organizations on refugee problems, including repatriation of refugees following the resolution of conflicts. Humanitarian Issues -- Cooperate on global humanitarian issues, following through on the December 19, UN General Assembly initiative to improve the UN's worldwide emergency response capabilities.